I have meet Mr. Dilorenzo and read one of his books. He is a “Libertarian.” What this means 99% of the time is Libertarians are politically correct and would never write about race. To even mention differences in the races is offensive to most Libertarians. They believe that all humans are equal and all love freedom and liberty equally. Silly to even put forth obvious differences. So for me it was quite a surprise to run across this blog by Mr. Dilorenzo detailing the discrimination against white people in South Africa and America. I feel a little less isolated now.
One of the reasons I write so little about race is it is censored in the United States. People come out of the woodwork to vilify and condemn anyone who does not believe in the black victimization theme. Even though black in Americas make 10, 20 or 30 times more than their African brothers, we are suppose to believe they are victims of the cruel white mans rules. Like white people were never slaves or indentured servants before. We were, even in America.
I lost my education in Pontiac, Michigan in the 70′s to busing, race riots, gang formation. I certainly was not innocent in joining a small gang. We did a lot of awful things that still bother me to this day. My best friend killed two people. My other best friend ended up addicted to heroin. My goal when I was in the Pontiac School system was to drop out as soon as I reached 16 years of age. Some students dream of graduation, I dreamed of reaching 16, walking into the administration office, filling out the paperwork, and dropping out.
School was like a prison, only worse. Crime, drugs, rape, prison for little people.
I was in Iceland for a year in the military, isolated, alone, and it was far better than the Pontiac School system.
Today Pontiac mirrors Detroit in its devastation and despair. It was not always like that. Once it was a 100,000 people strong blue collar town. It had a huge GM plant. It was a place for dreams to come true. The plant closed and the Michael Moore’s of the world will blame GM, but anyone who lived there know what killed Pontiac was busing and white flight.
When 50% of the student population wants to kill, intimidate, gang up on, and brutalize the other 50% of the student population there is a problem. White parents who stayed behind after busing began to realized the danger their children were in and moved. By the end of the 70′s the racial experiment ended in failure.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
After high school there was the discrimination by government everywhere I went in life. The military had quotas. The local government had quotas. College had no white male financial aid. None. I was told I was the “wrong color” at USF to get financial aid in the 80′s. Everywhere no white males wanted.
Construction was a safe haven. No one cared what your political beliefs were or what color you were. That all changed January 7, 2009 when Robert Reich said “I am concerned, as I’m sure many of you are, that these jobs not simply go to high-skilled people who are already professionals or to white male construction workers.” (Fmr. Sec. of Labor Robert Reich, Jan. 7, 2009, on how the stimulus money should be spent.)
After that my days were numbered with the local construction inspection firm. They will say this and that and blame me. Maybe they are right but the fact remains all the white managers (except the token one) either quit due to a hostile work environment, were demoted, or fired. By the end of 2009 they were replaced by Spanish speaking immigrants. Republicans (white males) were regularly purged before but it became a route after Obama was elected.
One thing I noticed through the years of my employment is that if you were from a upper middle white background you got good treatment from government as well as private industry for promotions, hiring, and the benefits. If you were poor white, no matter what your education, most government and private employers shunned or even ostracized you. You might be good for garbage duty but never expect a promotion. Surly a informal observation but I have seen so many dumb people treated like they were knowledgeable, when they were not, just good looking ass kissers who grew up white.
I guess as the years went by I got tired of pretending to be dumber than others. When the government clients came around expecting me to beg and bow to their intellectual holiness I just gave up, bent over, and farted in their face. Not literally, but I just got tired of the politically correct games that intruded upon the construction field. God dammit can there not be one fucking place of employment on this planet where I can shelve the political correctness? Apparently not for Reich, Obama, and the other assholes on the left.
How can one forget the Florida Department of Transportation inspectors crowing after Obama was elected that the Republicans will have to tear the McCain/Palin stickers off their cars. Wonder how those idiots will view “Hope” and “Change” in a few months when inflation eats up the state budget.
So to see this blog below was a eye opener. Maybe someone in America sees the anti-white laws for what they really are, discrimination, second class citizenship, and the seeds for revolt when our money dies. I know I will be looking for a payback.
.
.
.
.
.
The following appeared in Lew Rockwell on 7-21-2011.
When the universally reviled South African policy of apartheid was ended and majority rule democracy instituted in that country there was great hope that democracy would at long last restore freedom and justice that the black majority of that country had been deprived of for so many decades. Most Western elites unquestioningly assumed that the god of democracy would work its usual miracles. It has not only not done so, but has created a catastrophe in that country, as documented by a new book by Ilana Mercer entitled Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa.
Mercer is a native South African whose parents and other relatives still live there. Her father is a renowned Rabbi who was for decades an outspoken opponent of apartheid, which she herself condemns in no uncertain terms as “the repressive – and reprehensible – apartheid regime.” She has written about a topic that the Western media have almost completely ignored – the failure of post-apartheid South Africa to move in the direction of peace, justice, and prosperity. She hopes that her book will be a small contribution that can help turn things around in her native land, while providing valuable lessons to Americans as well.
One thing that Into the Cannibal’s Pot demonstrates is that democracy alone is not at all desirable if it is not attached to a culture that highly values the protection of life, liberty and property. The new rulers of South Africa do not. South Africa competes with Iraq and Colombia for the title of “the most violent” country of the world. The homicide rate in South Africa today is twenty times what it is in the U.S., as Mercer documents. A rape occurs every twenty-six seconds. The annual murder rate in South Africa has increased three-and-a-half fold since the ending of the reprehensible apartheid regime. There are more than 52,000 rapes/year in South Africa today, ten percent of which victimize infants because of the bizarre superstition that is widely believed there that sex with a virgin is a cure for AIDS.
Mercer describes in sickening detail how the government of South Africa often looks the other way when the white population is victimized by thugs and criminals, apparently in a perceived act of racial retribution for the sins of the past. There have been so many murders of white South African farmers that it “makes farming in South Africa the most dangerous occupation in the world,” writes Mercer. “Arrests and convictions [for murdering white farmers] are rare.” This is “land reform,” South African style. The South African government admits that 90 percent of the “redistributed” farms are now dysfunctional.
Mercer’s description of South Africa’s “diversity” policies, otherwise known as institutionalized discrimination against white males, sounds almost identical to the same polices that exist today in American society. Such “diversity” has indeed become the mating call of nearly every academic bureaucrat in higher education. Hiring by skin color instead of by merit is mandatory in South Africa, and increasingly so in the U.S.
South Africa has also adopted the housing policy of American Congressman Barney Frank and his Democratic Party colleagues in that “South Africa’s financial institutions [have been] forced to provide loans to blacks with lower credit ratings,” known in the U.S. as “subprime lending” or “the Community Reinvestment Act.” Thus, reprehensible institutionalized discrimination against blacks has been replaced by reprehensible institutionalized discrimination against whites.
In drawing comparisons to the U.S. Mercer recalls how U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor is a self-described “affirmative action baby” who did not have the academic qualifications to enter Princeton and Yale. She was admitted anyway because of her ethnicity and, according to the New York Times, was told at Princeton to improve her reading skills “by reading children’s classics and studying basic grammar books during her summers.” Mercer quotes Pat Buchanan as asking the obvious question: “How do you graduate first in your class at Princeton if your summer reading consists of Chicken Little and The Troll Under the Bridge?”
American elites are silent about the various outrages occurring in South Africa, Mercer argues, because they support and sometimes personally benefit from similar policies in their own country. (Rather than attempting to enact a policy of reparations from the politicians and others who were responsible for the abuse of South Africa’s black population under apartheid, there is blanket discrimination against all whites – a perfect definition of racism).
Mercer shows that Nelson Mandella, who was imprisoned before the worldwide collapse of socialism in the late 1980s/early 1990s, is still a devoted socialist. He gets the economics of apartheid exactly backwards, for instance: It was a system of governmental laws and regulations instigated by white labor unions, and was not an example of capitalism. This was explained wonderfully in Walter E. Williams’ book, South Africa’s War Against Capitalism. Nevertheless, Mandella announced in a 1997 speech that “the evolution of the capitalist system in our country put on the highest pedestal the promotion of the material interests of the white minority.” Wrong, Nelson. As Mercer points out, the “biggest industrial upheaval in South Africa’s history” was a 1922 miner’s strike that came as a result of the fact that the capitalist mine owners wanted to hire more blacks. The white labor unions whose slogan was “Workers of the World Unite, Keep South Africa White,” opposed this and the power of the government was employed to enforce discrimination against black workers. It was the capitalists who wanted to abolish the apartheid system because there were profits in doing so. White miners were paid much more than black miners even though they were not much more productive.
Mercer also takes on the hoary leftist “root causes” theory of crime that has been used to excuse the explosion of murder, rape, and other violent crime in South Africa in recent years. Assuming that there is no such thing as free will, leftists routinely assume that the last person who should be blamed for a crime is the criminal himself. In the case of South Africa the excuse-making machinery of Western journalists, academics, and even “celebrities” like Angelina Jolie, blame colonialism and not enough “foreign aid.” Citing the work of economist Peter Bauer, Mercer skillfully explains how decades of “foreign aid” has in reality only served to enrich Third World politicians and plutocrats with little benefit to the average citizen – in Africa and everywhere else.
As though criticizing the holy grail of “affirmative action” were not politically incorrect enough, Mercer has the chutzpah, in her concluding chapter, to invoke the “S” word – secession. Whenever a minority is politically prosecuted by a majority, secession is one possible solution. This is certainly the case in the current South Africa and may be the only hope for the Afrikaner minority there.
July 21, 2011
Thomas J. DiLorenzo [send him mail] is professor of economics at Loyola College in Maryland and the author of The Real Lincoln; Lincoln Unmasked: What You’re Not Supposed To Know about Dishonest Abe and How Capitalism Saved America. His latest book is Hamilton’s Curse: How Jefferson’s Archenemy Betrayed the American Revolution – And What It Means for America Today.
Copyright © 2011 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
No comments:
Post a Comment